Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s interview with Trud newspaper
September 13, 2019
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Question: You have mentioned on a number of occasions that certain countries are openly trampling upon international law, which has become a distinctive feature of today’s international politics. While this is not new, we are now witnessing attempts by some to impose rules on others, accompanied by threats of sanctions and other kinds of pressure. What do you believe to be the best way to counter these trends?
Sergey Lavrov: You were right to highlight what we believe to be a dangerous phenomenon of our time when a number of countries are trying to build a pseudo-legal reality and impose it on the rest of the global community while circumventing international law and the UN Charter as its bedrock. In doing so, they make dubious arguments claiming that the existing norms no longer work or that the UN Security Council is paralysed or the international community fails to face up to serious crimes, etc. This is how they justify attempts to arbitrarily reshape international law as they see fit.
Initiatives of this kind make the international environment less predictable and orderly, with such negative implications as heightened tension and the escalation of violence in the Middle East and North Africa, and an unprecedented surge in terrorist activity.
Russia’s commitment to the universally recognised principles of international law is among the pillars of its foreign policy. We are not alone in thinking this way. A vast majority of countries share this vision, and we will reach agreements with them for strengthening the rule of law in international affairs. We will persist in our consistent efforts to promote collective solutions within all multilateral frameworks, believing that there is no alternative to placing the UN Charter and the universally recognised international norms arising from it at the core of our state-to-state contacts. Abiding by these principles in good faith will rule out using double standards or imposing one’s will on others.
I do believe that at the end of the day our Western colleagues will come to realise that strict compliance with international law can substantially enhance global and regional security and stability.
Question: The West persists in its attempts to integrate all Balkan states within NATO, including Serbia. What do you think about Russia’s standing in this region, and its relations with Serbia, which is practically the last country in the Balkans committed to friendly cooperation with Russia?
The United States is clearly intent on completely dismantling the nuclear arms control architecture, which is a threat to international stability and security. They started by withdrawing from the ABM Treaty, and then from the INF Treaty. Where can Russia find allies for countering the aggressive and targeted policies of the United States? What potential does Russia have in terms of diplomacy?
Sergey Lavrov: Russia builds its relations with Serbia in accordance with the letter and spirit of the 2013 Declaration on Strategic Partnership. This is not just lofty rhetoric, but a fact. There is positive momentum in our mutually beneficial cooperation: trade and investment are on the rise, our spiritual ties are becoming stronger, while cultural and educational exchanges are expanding. We have intensive contacts at the level of heads of state, parliaments and ministries, including diplomatic agencies.
Russia never uses its friendship ties against others. We are ready to engage in consistent efforts to expand our relations with anyone who so desires. Serbia is Russia’s leading partner in the Balkans. At the same time, we maintain constructive and meaningful ties with other countries in this region of Europe.
As for the attempts to integrate all the Balkan states within NATO, it is well known that Moscow opposes these efforts and considers them to be disruptive. In this context, we welcome Serbia’s responsible and sovereign course and commitment to military neutrality. Unfortunately not all of its neighbours have been able to withstand external pressure. They are being pulled into the orbit of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organisation with its pretended security guarantees against the will of the majority of their own people.
As for the second part of your question, Washington deliberately chose to engage in a consistent effort to dismantle the strategic stability architecture in order to get a free hand in military affairs. The withdrawal of the United States from the INF Treaty exemplifies this approach. Uncertainty caused by the US threatens the New Start Treaty, which is set to expire in February 2021. This destructive policy could further disrupt the system of international relations, make it more conflict-prone and bring about a new missile and nuclear arms race.
In this situation, we will definitely do everything it takes to ensure our national security. There should be no doubt about this. Washington has already tried to upset the strategic parity and achieve total military dominance by deploying the global missile defence shield. This effort fell through. What they achieved was an adequate and effective response by Russia which enhanced its defence capability, as was announced by President Vladimir Putin during his address to the Federal Assembly on March 1, 2018.
Let me emphasise that any attempts to subjugate Russia and influence the decisions we take are doomed to failure. What makes us confident is that the vast majority in the international community are tired of threats and blackmail and share our vision of interstate relations based on the UN Charter, mutual respect and due regard for each other’s interests. These countries, just as us, are interested in improving the situation and promoting international cooperation on an equal footing. We will continue to make maximum use of Russia’s status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and G20 member. We are also committed to stepping up cooperation with our allies and partners within the CSTO, the EAEU, the CIS, BRICS, the SCO and RIC, as well as with other Asian, African and Latin American countries.
We call on our US colleagues to be mindful of the fact that ensuring global security is our special and shared responsibility. We hope that the United States reviews its counterproductive approach and acts responsibly. We remain open to constructive dialogue with Washington on all matters related to arms control.
Question: Syria is gradually and with difficulty transitioning to peaceful life and emerging from political crisis. Representatives of the Syrian opposition often come to talks held at the Foreign Ministry and hold news conferences. What do they want from Russia if they are in opposition to Bashar al-Assad’s government? What is Russia’s stance on Syria’s future?
Sergey Lavrov: Indeed, the war in Syria is over. The country is gradually returning to normal peaceful life. Isolated hotbeds of tension remain only in the areas that are beyond the Syrian government’s control, such as Idlib and the eastern bank of the Euphrates River.
In these circumstances, providing comprehensive humanitarian aid to Syria and advancing the political process to resolve the crisis in order to achieve reliable and long-term stabilisation in that country, as well as in the Middle East in general, has become our priority.
From day one, Russia has consistently advocated overcoming the armed conflict in Syria by political and diplomatic means. We supported UN Security Council Resolution 2254, which contains a roadmap for the settlement. In addition, on the initiative of Russia and two other Astana-format guarantor countries, Iran and Turkey, the Syrian National Dialogue Congress was convened in Sochi in January 2018, and its participants decided to create the Constitutional Committee.
We believe that forming and launching a committee designed to develop the constitutional reform will be an important step in advancing the political process which is led and carried out by the Syrians themselves with the assistance of the UN. In fact, convening it will enable the Syrian government and the opposition to begin, for the first time, a direct dialogue about the future of their country.
In this regard, Moscow prioritises maintaining regular contacts with the Syrian negotiators, including the opposition. We note the lack of alternatives to the political process and seek to ensure the widest possible representation of all groups of Syrian society within it. We presume that the opposition is playing an important role as it participates in intra-Syrian contacts in Geneva and (its military wing) in the Astana-format international meetings on Syria. Its representatives should also be part of the Constitutional Committee which is currently being formed. So, we believe that the opposition can and should make their constructive contribution to the process of comprehensive political settlement in accordance with UNSC Resolution 2254.
Overall, Russia supports restoring a sovereign and territorially integral Syria, bringing speedy relief to the consequences of rampant terrorism, having all Syrians return to their homes and the country itself to the Arab family, which will guarantee security and stability in the Middle East.
Question: What’s your take on Russia’s interaction with the People’s Republic of China via foreign ministries, including on international platforms? Third forces are not abandoning their attempts to sow discord in Russia and China’s bilateral relations. In what areas will cooperation between the two countries develop?
Sergey Lavrov: We established constructive, trust-based and comradely relations with our colleagues from the Chinese Foreign Ministry a long time ago, and this allows us to quickly and accurately fulfil the tasks assigned to our respective ministries. We are in close contact with our Chinese friends.
I met with the member of China’s State Council and Foreign Minister Wang Yi six times last year alone, and we have already had four in-depth discussions this year. In addition, the mechanism of bilateral inter-ministry consultations is functioning effectively on the basis of annually approved plans. About 40 to 50 meetings are held annually at the level of deputy ministers and heads of relevant departments, covering a vast number of themes. This does not include ongoing interaction between Russian and Chinese diplomats around the world, as well as the regular “comparing of notes” carried out by our delegations at various international venues. The fabric of bilateral interaction is so dense that third parties simply have nowhere to drive a wedge.
When they met in Moscow in June, the heads of state of Russia and China noted that Russia-China relations have reached a new level. This fact was stated in the Joint Statement signed by our respective leaders, in which the parties identified further goals and areas for promoting bilateral partnership, including strategic support and mutual assistance, deep integration and rapprochement, reliance on innovative approaches and mutual benefit and advantages. The document spells out in detail concrete tasks, including in the international arena, which we, together with our Chinese colleagues, have already begun to work on.
Question: Russia has recently stated that the two islands Japan wants to recover will not be handed over. What is the starting point in the talks on signing a bilateral peace treaty between our countries?
Sergey Lavrov: When President of Russia Vladimir Putin had a meeting with Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe in November last year in Singapore, they agreed to accelerate the talks on the peace treaty based on the 1956 Joint Declaration by the USSR and Japan. They wanted this initiative to help the two countries bring their positions closer together by relying on a document that currently sets the legal framework for the bilateral ties between Russia and Japan.
As we all know, the 1956 Joint Declaration provided for ending the state of war and restoring diplomatic relations between the two countries. This instrument sets forth a clear algorithm: the peace treaty must be signed first, confirming the recognition by Japan of the outcomes of WWII, including Russia’s sovereignty over the southern Kuril Islands. After that the countries can explore ways to resolve the demarcation problem.
I held three rounds of talks with Foreign Minister of Japan Taro Kono (on January 14 and May 10 in Moscow, and on February 16 in Munich) in the follow-up to the agreement that was reached in Singapore. There was also a series of contacts at the level of deputy foreign ministers which showed that the positions of the parties were far apart. We reported on the outcomes of these contacts to our respective leaders, who decided at the June meeting in Osaka to keep the meaningful dialogue going.
It is important to note that 1956 was a long time ago. We believe that what we need today is not just a peace treaty that is signed when a war ends but rather an instrument reflecting the current state of Russia-Japan relations, and even more importantly, outlining focus areas for future cooperation. This would place bilateral ties on a new footing and facilitate an all-out long-term effort to promote cooperation across the board. This in turn would lay the groundwork for settling the most challenging bilateral problems.
In this context, I would like to note that there was some progress in launching joint economic activity in cooperation with Japan in the southern Kuril Islands, as was announced at the leaders’ meeting in Osaka. Business models for two out of five spheres approved at the top level were coordinated, covering tourism and recycling. A seminar for travel operators and a visit by Russian experts to Hokkaido to study recycling technology have already been organised as pilot projects. The other two undertakings, a trial tourist trip by Japanese nationals to Iturup and Kunashir, as well as a visit by Japanese experts to the southern Kuril Islands for attending consultations on waste management are scheduled for September and October.
We stand ready to continue this meticulous work together in order to elevate our relations to a new level. It is our unwavering commitment that any possible solution regarding the peace treaty must be supported by the people in both countries.
Question: The recent meeting between the leaders of Russia and Belarus helped dispel all doubts as to whether a Union Treaty is needed and its prospects. Are foreign ministries always able to arrive at close or similar positions? Belarus has not recognised Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and has not changed its position on Crimea. Does this complicate bilateral ties, or not at all?
Servey Lavrov: This question clearly refers to the talks between presidents Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko at the 6th Forum of Russian and Belarusian Regions on July 18, 2019 in St Petersburg. The event itself, as well as the tone of the conversation, showed how close our countries and people are. We have never questioned the need for consolidating the Union State. Just look at the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation as approved by President Vladimir Putin in November 2016. It states that working within this integration framework is among our absolute priorities. We know that our friends in Belarus are guided by the same approach.
Close cooperation between foreign ministries of our two countries is one of the key pillars of the strategic partnership and union between Russia and Belarus. Every two years we adopt Programmes of Coordinated Foreign Policy Actions for Members of the Treaty on the Creation of a Union State of Russia and Belarus. We hold annual joint meetings of our foreign ministry collegiums, as well as consultations at the level of specialised diplomatic services. These interactions enable us to devise common approaches to international and regional matters in a trust-based atmosphere of a genuine fellowship.
By the way, Minsk has been consistent in voting at the UN against the openly provocative resolutions “Situation with human rights in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol” and “Status of internally displaced persons and refugees from Abkhazia and South Ossetia.” Therefore, any suggestions that we face challenges in our dialogue are groundless.
Question: Today, Russian diplomats increasingly have to uphold the country’s position, clearly being in the minority. From where does Russian diplomacy draw strength and what philosophy does it adhere to?
Sergey Lavrov: I have already answered this question in part. First of all, we are not in the minority. The Western countries, relations with which are going through hard times, are only a small fraction of the international community. The overwhelming majority of the countries, representing over 80 percent of the world’s population, accept our foreign policy steps with understanding. They support our approaches to the key issues of our time.
This is not surprising. We offer the world a positive, unifying and forward-looking agenda based on the UN Charter, mutual respect and consideration for each other’s interests. The non-confrontational nature of our foreign policy is based on the fact that its key goal is to provide favourable external conditions for the progressive development of our country and to improve the well-being of our citizens. As an important guarantor of international security, Russia will continue to contribute to the strengthening of the just and democratic principles of international life. To this end, we will continue to coordinate our steps with our allies and like-minded nations.
We hope that sooner or later, our Western colleagues, primarily American, will realise the need to abandon confrontational logic. This will open up totally new opportunities in the struggle against modern challenges and threats, most of which are transnational in nature and call for united efforts by all countries without exception.
Question: How do you see Russian diplomacy 20 to 30 years from now?
Sergey Lavrov: Dynamic, highly professional and ready to provide proper responses to the challenges of the time.
Clearly, during the next two to three decades the world will go through transformations that will affect all aspects of human activity. Already today, the international agenda has become increasingly more multidimensional. Naturally, Russian diplomats must constantly improve their skills, acquire new knowledge and master new areas of activity.
However, making progress does not mean abandoning traditions. Patriotism, devotion to duty and an excellent command of foreign languages have always been the hallmarks of the foreign ministry’s employees. I’m confident that those who replace us will possess these qualities in full.
A truly unique system of educational institutions has been formed at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, providing a full cycle of training, retraining, and advanced training. First of all, I mean the MGIMO University, the Diplomatic Academy, Higher Foreign Language Courses. We continue to develop and strengthen the good Foreign Ministry practice of mentoring, transferring experience to young employees. We will continue to encourage talented young people and nominate their best representatives to critical areas.
I think that we will be able to ensure the continuity of generations on Smolenskaya Square.
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Zdroj: http://www.mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/3785238?p_p_id=101_INSTANCE_cKNonkJE02Bw&_101_INSTANCE_cKNonkJE02Bw_languageId=en_GB
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