J. Stoltenberg o výsledkoch rokovaní ministrov obrany členských krajín NATO (17. – 18. 2. 2021)

Online press conference by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg following the second day of the meetings of NATO Defence Ministers

19 Feb. 2021

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Good afternoon.

On the agenda of our meeting today were our training missions in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Both are key contributions to the fight against international terrorism.

Defence Ministers had a thorough discussion on the situation in Afghanistan.
We are faced with many dilemmas and there are no easy options.

At this stage, we have made no final decision on the future of our presence, but, as the May 1 deadline is approaching, NATO Allies will continue to closely consult and coordinate in the coming weeks.

We remain committed to our Resolute Support mission, with training and funding for the brave Afghan security forces.

NATO strongly supports the peace process, and as part of it, we have significantly reduced the number of our troops.

The peace process is the best chance to end years of suffering and violence.
And bring lasting peace.

It is important for the Afghan people.
For the security of the region.
And for our own security.

But the talks are fragile, and progress is slow.

So it is now imperative to re-energise the peace process.
All sides must seize this historic opportunity for a peaceful settlement.
Without further delay.

The Taliban must negotiate in good faith, reduce the high level of violence and live up to their commitment to stop cooperating with international terrorist groups.

NATO’s goal is to ensure that Afghanistan never again becomes a safe haven for terrorists that would attack our homelands.

So Allies will continue to assess together the conditions on the ground.
As we do, the protection of our troops remains paramount, and we will take all necessary measures to keep them safe.

Today, we decided to expand NATO’s training mission in Iraq.
To support the Iraqi forces as they fight terrorism and ensure that ISIS does not return.

The size of our mission will increase from 500 personnel to around 4,000.
And training activities will now include more Iraqi security institutions, and areas beyond Baghdad.

Our presence is conditions-based, and increases in troop numbers will be incremental.

Our mission is at the request of the Iraqi government.
It is carried out with full respect for Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

I spoke with Prime Minister Al—Kadhimi this week and assured him that everything will be done in full consultation with the Iraqi authorities.

We are also closely coordinating with the Global Coalition.

I would like to thank Canada for leading our training mission in Iraq for two very challenging years.
And Denmark, for taking over command at this critical juncture.

And with that, I am ready to take your questions.

OANA LUNGESCU [NATO Spokesperson]: Ansgar Hasse from DPA.

ANSGAR HASSE [DPA]: Secretary General, you say that the promise to leave Afghanistan is condition-based. Can you please tell us exactly what conditions you are talking about and is a ceasefire in Afghanistan one of the conditions for NATO to withdraw? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: All NATO Allies welcomed the agreement between the United States and Taliban last year. At the same time, we clearly stated that, of course, there are conditions in this agreement that have to be met. And, therefore, I have many times made clear that Taliban needs to negotiate in good faith, violence has to be reduced, and the Taliban has to stop cooperating with international terrorist groups that are planning terrorist attacks on our own countries, on Allied countries. This is very clear and this has been conveyed many times. And this is important because we are, of course, seeking a lasting and sustainable political agreement in Afghanistan. And that’s also the reason why we will continue to assess the situation before we make any final decision on our future presence in Afghanistan.

OANA LUNGESCU: OK, we can now go to Osama Javaid from Al-Jazeera.

OSAMA JAVAID [Al Jazeera]: Secretary General, thank you very much for taking the time. I have two questions for you, one for Afghanistan. You say that your . . . the presence of NATO forces is going to continue and it’s conditions-based. So how will you measure the condition that the Taliban is actually severing ties? And in case there is an uptick of violence, is additional forces on the ground from NATO and the United States still on the table?

The second question is about Iraq. I would like to know about . . . further details about how these additional troops will be housed. As in recent months, there have been a number of attacks that have been launched by the militias against coalition forces inside Iraq. Thank you very much.

JENS STOLTENBERG: We are closely monitoring the situation on the ground in Afghanistan and, of course, by having our own troops there, intelligence, surveillance capabilities, we are able to follow the situation very closely. We’re also working with the Afghan security forces and are exchanging information and intelligence also with them.

There is an ongoing assessment, an ongoing close monitoring of the situation. And, based on that, Allies will make decisions together.

And, I also very much welcome the very clear message from Secretary Austin, who made it very clear that the United States is going to continue to consult with NATO Allies and continue to make sure that we are coordinated as we move forward in Afghanistan.

We have to remember that we have been there for many years and we have worked together there for many years. And when you ask about the troop numbers, what we have seen over the last year is a significant reduction in the total number of NATO troops in Afghanistan. Today, there are roughly 10,000 troops. The majority of the troops are from European Allies and partner countries. We will do what is necessary to make sure that our troops are secure, safe. We have adjusted the troop numbers before, but I will not speculate, because now the focus is on making sure that the peace talks are successful.

So our aim is to make sure that we have a lasting political agreement that can make it possible for us to leave in a way that doesn’t undermine our main goal, and that is to prevent Afghanistan from once again becoming a safe haven.

We have seen, not so many years ago, we were more than 100,000 troops in a big combat operation. We have been able to work together with the Afghan security forces – train, assist, advise them – and now the Afghan security forces have proven to be capable, professional, and therefore they are in the lead of the security in the country. But, we are staying committed and continue to provide support to them.

On Iraq, NATO has been there already for some years with a Training Mission, but they’re much smaller than the mission we are planning for now, or we have agreed to launch today.
NATO Allies have also participated in the Global Coalition. So, NATO Allies have been in Iraq for, actually, several years. We will do this step-by-step. The Iraqi government is going to continue to closely consult. And work with the Iraqi government, and everything we do in Iraq, will be based on demands, requirements, from the Iraqi authorities.

But, we see the importance of NATO Allies providing training and capacity-building for the Iraqi security forces, because that’s the best way we can prevent ISIS from returning.

We will also increase the geographical presence of the NATO Training Mission beyond the greater Baghdad area. But again, step by step. And everything we do, we will, of course, focus on the importance of protection of our forces. So, force protection enablers will be part of the increased NATO presence in Iraq.

OANA LUNGESCU: And I think we can now go to London and Larisa Brown from The Times.

LARISA BROWN [The Times]: Thank you very much. Can I just ask, again, about Iraq? You’ve obviously talked . . . talking about quite a significant increase of troops. What’s the . . . what’s your sort of idea of threat that ISIS poses? You’re talking about a re-emergence. Have they managed to increase in numbers over the last few months? And then also, are you talking about new bases that could be built to house these NATO troops? Or, will this be bases that are already in existence? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: So what we have seen over the last years is that the territory that ISIS or Daesh controlled in Iraq and Syria, all that territory they have lost control of. And that is because the joint efforts of the Iraqi security forces, supported by the Global Coalition and NATO, that they have been able to liberate the territory and the millions of people that were under the control of ISIS.

At some stage not so long ago, ISIS controlled a territory as big as the United Kingdom and roughly eight million people. They have lost that control. But, ISIS is still there. ISIS still operates in Iraq. And we need to make sure that they are not able to return. And we have also seen some increase in attacks by ISIS – and that just highlights the importance of strengthening the Iraqi forces.

We say in NATO that prevention is better than intervention, meaning that, of course, NATO and NATO Allies should always be prepared for, again, engaging in big combat operations. But in the long term, it’s much better if we train local forces, build local security institutions, as we’re now doing in Iraq and as we will expand doing in Iraq in the coming months, because local forces, they will, in a more sustainable way, be able to stabilise their own country and fight the terrorists themselves.

So, the purpose of the Training Mission, the capacity-building mission by NATO in Iraq is to prevent a situation where NATO Allies, again, may be forced into a situation where they need to be part of bigger combat operations. And that’s exactly why we are there and why we are expanding our mission.

We will do this in incremental and in, what should I say, and based on demand from the Iraqi authorities. But there are several bases already in Iraq that we can use. Partly bases where NATO Allies already operate under the umbrella of the US Global Coalition to Defeat Daesh and partly other Iraqi bases.

I have visited some of them, and it’s good to see how NATO forces work closely together with Iraqi forces. So, the main problem is not finding bases, the main challenge is, is to make sure that we target what we do, that we tailor-make the advice and the training in the best possible way for the Iraqi forces.

OANA LUNGESCU: Thank you, we now come back to Brussels, and hopefully we can we can take a question from Marilou Lucrezio from RAI, Italy.

MARILOU LUCREZIO [RAI]: Good evening, Secretary General. What is the way ahead now on Afghanistan, after all you spoke about . . . we hope about the peace talks are successful. And if I can, if you can say, if I may ask a few words on Italy’s role in Afghanistan and your expectations from the Draghi administration? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: The best way ahead in Afghanistan is that we see a reenergised peace process, where all the parties take the responsibility to find a political-negotiated solution. So, that’s our main message from this meeting, is that we urge all parties to really make a serious effort to agree and to find a platform that can provide sustainable peace in Afghanistan. That has to include, for instance, a ceasefire. It has to include a political settlement. And it has to include measures to make sure that Afghanistan does not once again becomes a platform for international terrorists to prepare, organise attacks against NATO countries and other countries in the world. That is the best way forward.

The problem is that we are in a situation where we have a date – 1st of May – approaching. And so far we have seen that the peace talks are fragile. They are not making so much progress as we want to see. And, therefore, we also, of course, are extremely concerned by the increased level of violence. And, therefore, our message to Taliban is to reduce violence, negotiate in good faith and make sure that they stop all cooperation with international terrorist groups.

That’s also the reason why we have not made a final decision today, at the ministerial meeting today, on our future presence in Afghanistan, because we believe that there is still time to reach a political agreement to see progress before the deadline, 1st of May. So, our focus is on the peace process and we will do whatever we can to make that be a successful process.
Italy is playing and has played an important role in Afghanistan for many years. I have met and visited Italian forces in Afghanistan several times in Herat, where Italy is the lead nation, or the framework nation. And NATO, we are extremely grateful for the contributions over many years by Italy to our Mission in Afghanistan, fighting international terrorism.
Prime Minister Draghi, Mario Draghi, is a highly-respected politician, or international leader and now a politician. I have had the privilege of meeting him in different capacities. And I know him as a very strong supporter of the transatlantic bond, NATO, the cooperation between North America and Europe. And I’m looking forward to working with him in his new capacity as Prime Minister of Italy.

OANA LUNGESCU: Thank you. And I we’ll now go to Kabul to Shershah Nawabi from PMG News, Afghanistan.

SHERSHAH NAWABI [PMG News]: Yeah, thank you so much, Mr Secretary General, for giving us your time. Actually, there are two questions that I have. In current situation, according to the news reports that we have, Taliban are now working or planning for their spring fight, for their spring assault. So what do you think about this case, as you haven’t decided about your presence in Afghanistan? What would be the . . . your stand on the issue of a spring assault? And the second issue is: a few days ago, Mullah Baradar just sent an open letter to the US government and also to the international community and urged all sides to pull out the troops from Afghanistan. So what’s NATO’s stance in this case? Thank you so much.

JENS STOLTENBERG: So, our presence in Afghanistan is conditions-based. And that’s also the reason why we now are closely looking into and monitoring and assessing the situation on the ground in Afghanistan before we make a final decision. Any increase in violence will undermine the peace efforts. And a spring offensive will, of course, undermine the prospects for peace. We are actually expecting the opposite. We are expecting that the Taliban reduces violence and by that, demonstrating faith in the peace negotiations.

So, any increase in violence will be the opposite message and thereby also undermine the possibilities of a lasting, negotiated, peaceful agreement in Afghanistan.

OANA LUNGESCU: OK, next is Thomas Gutschker from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

THOMAS GUTSCHKER [Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung]: Thanks a lot. Secretary General, did you get any indication from Secretary Austin on when the US intends to make its decision and whether it already has any inclination on the way forward? And, in addition to that, does only withdrawal, an end to the mission in Afghanistan, need to form a decision, or also a continuation? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: It is not for me to speak on behalf of the United States, but what I can say is that Secretary Austin, in the meeting, clearly expressed a commitment by the United States to continue to consult closely with NATO Allies and also consult with partners. Because we have to remember that in our mission, the NATO Mission in Afghanistan, we have, of course, NATO Allies, but we also have partners like Finland, Sweden and other partners, Georgia, contributing troops and forces to our mission in Afghanistan.

So, we all should stay closely coordinated and continue to closely consult. And we will make the decisions together, not least because there are many US troops in Afghanistan, but there are also many troops from Europe, from European NATO Allies, and from partner nations. So, we need to make this decision together based on consultations and assessments we are making together.

But, we all agreed that this was not the time to make the final decision, because we think there is still a possibility to reach a peaceful settlement to the crisis, to the conflict in Afghanistan. So, therefore, the message from this meeting is that we have not made a final decision, but we are putting as much pressure as possible on the peace process and especially on Taliban to make sure that they negotiate in good faith.

But, there’s also the message to all of the parties involved, that all parties should now really make an effort to reenergise, revitalise the peace negotiations in Doha, because there’s still time for peace in Afghanistan.

Let me add one more thing. This is obviously a difficult decision. No-one is trying to say that this is easy. We are faced with very hard and difficult dilemmas. Because, if we stay beyond 1st May, we risk more violence, we risk more attacks against our own troops, and we risk, of course, also to be part of a continued presence in Afghanistan: that will be difficult. But, if we leave, then we also risk that the gains we have made are lost and that Afghanistan again could become a safe haven for international terrorists.

So, that’s exactly the reason why we need to make sure that we maximise the likelihood that all the conditions are in place, in the best possible way, to prevent that from happening again. And then we need a thorough assessment of to what extent are conditions met, to what extent are we willing to take some risks in a very difficult situation in Afghanistan.

OANA LUNGESCU: Thank you. For the next question we’ll go to Naser Ahmadi, Deutsche Welle, Afghanistan.

NASER AHMADI [DW Afghanistan]: Thank you very much for giving me the chance. My question is that the Taliban have threatened to start a major war against foreign forces if they do not withdraw by May 1st. Does it mean the collapse of US-Taliban agreement and the end of intra-Afghan peace talks? What is your position regarding this issue?

JENS STOLTENBERG: So, my main focus now is to avoid or prevent ending in the situation where we see increased violence and new fighting in Afghanistan. We still have the possibility to create the conditions for a lasting peace. This is the Afghan-owned and Afghan-led process, so the Afghans have to create the peace.

But, NATO and NATO Allies provide support. We are committed to continue to provide support to the Afghan security forces. We are committed to extend funding til 2024. And we are there with our Resolute Support Mission, which is much smaller than our previous training mission . . . no, sorry, our previous combat mission, with more than 100,000 troops. But, we think that the training has been important because it has helped to strengthen the capacity of the Afghan security forces. And we have seen the courage, we have seen the professionalism of the Afghan security forces, especially over the last years since NATO ended its combat operations and went into a train, assist and advise mission.

But, again, any increase in violence by Taliban will undermine the prospects for peace. And, therefore, we expect them to reduce violence, not increase violence.

OANA LUNGESCU: And for the final question, we’ll go to David Herszenhorn from Politico.

DAVID HERSZENHORN [Politico]: Thanks so much. Mr Secretary General, I wonder if you could share with us, after two days of your overall talks with the defence ministers and consultations, if you feel you have consensus from Allies in going forward with your initial ideas around the 2030, the response to the 2030 reflection, report. And if . . . where you go in terms of next steps from here? Some sense that . . . that maybe some Allies were a little concerned you had shared some of those ideas with . . . with us first. Of course, we only encourage you to keep up good communication with the press. Thanks so much.

JENS STOLTENBERG: Well, part of my mandate for the NATO2030 process is to engage in public discussions and to do public communications. And I really believe that that’s part of the job description for a Secretary General, NATO, is also to engage in public debates, especially about such important issues as how to make sure that NATO is fit for the future, how to make sure that NATO continues to be the most successful alliance in history. And the main reason why NATO is the most successful alliance in history is that we have been able to change when the world is changing. And now the world is changing again, so NATO has to change again. And that’s exactly the purpose of NATO2030.

This is a process which has been going on for some time now. I have consulted closely with the capitals. We also had input from the Expert Group, which I appointed to support me in this work. I had Young Leaders – they provided some support. And this is not the end of this process. I will now continue to consult with capitals, because the purpose and the aim is to have a forward-looking, substantive agenda for the NATO summit later this year.

We have a unique opportunity now to open a new chapter in the transatlantic relationship, North America and Europe. We need to seize that opportunity. But, to do so, we need to demonstrate the strength of the transatlantic bond, not only in words, but also in deeds.

Any my NATO2030 agenda is exactly about that. How to make sure that we are able to demonstrate that commitment, not only in words, but also in deeds. And we will continue the process, 30 Allies.

It always takes some time to develop common positions on all the issues. But,we had a good and stimulating discussion on NATO2030 yesterday. I look forward to continue those discussions and I’m very confident that NATO Allies see the value of using this unique opportunity, or seizing this unique opportunity to strengthen the bond between Europe and North America.

There is no way to deny or to hide that over the last years, we had some difficult times, some challenging moments. Now we have a new US administration very much committed to NATO, to the bond between Europe and North America embodied in NATO. And I really think that we should then build on that and have some real substance and forward-looking decisions at our summit later this year.

OANA LUNGESCU: Thank you very much, this concludes this press conference and the ministerial meeting. Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: Thank you so much.

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Online press conference by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg following the first day of the meetings of NATO Defence Ministers

17 Feb. 2021

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Good afternoon.

We have just concluded the first day of the meeting of NATO Defence Ministers.
We had a positive and stimulating discussion.

This is our first ministerial meeting with the new Biden administration.
And an important milestone in our preparations for our summit later this year.

We have a unique opportunity to open a new chapter in relations between Europe and North America.

We face global challenges that no country and no continent can tackle alone.

That is why I launched NATO 2030 initiative.
To make our transatlantic Alliance fit for the future.

I have put forward a number of ambitious proposals to prepare for our summit.

They cover key areas.

Strengthening our commitment to deterrence and defence, by providing incentives to Allies to contribute more capabilities, and ensure fairer burden sharing.

We also need to raise our level of ambition when it comes to resilience, which is our first line of defence.

And we must do more to promote transatlantic cooperation on defence innovation.
So that NATO keeps its technological edge.

My proposals also include improving our ability to train and build capacity in NATO partner countries.

Because this is a more sustainable way to contribute to stability in our neighbourhood, and to fight terrorism.

Political coordination among Allies is another important area for NATO2030.
To use NATO more as a platform for consultation and coordination, on more issues and in more formats.

At the same time, we need to enhance our political and practical cooperation with like-minded democracies around the world.

So we can protect the rules-based order, which is undermined by countries that do not share our values, like Russia and China.

NATO must also do more to address the security implications of climate change.
This affects all of us and our Alliance must play its role, by reducing vulnerabilities and emissions from the military sector.

Finally, this is the time to update NATO’s Strategic Concept.
So that we address existing and emerging challenges, recommit to our values, and reinforce the bond between Europe and North America.

Today we had a great start to our discussion.
To build a substantial and forward-looking agenda for the NATO summit.
To secure a more peaceful and prosperous future through a strong transatlantic Alliance.

Adapting to the future requires sustained investment in our defence.
Today, we discussed progress toward fairer burden-sharing.

2021 will be the seventh consecutive year of increased defence spending by European Allies and Canada.

Nine Allies are expected to spend 2 % of GDP on defence.
Compared to only 3 in 2014.

Since 2014, European Allies and Canada have contributed a cumulative extra of 190 billion dollars.

And this year, twenty-four Allies will meet the guideline of investing at least 20% of their defence budgets into major new equipment.

So we are making real progress.

But we must all keep the commitments we have made.
And continue to invest in our defence and increase the readiness of our forces.

This is the only way to keep our nations safe in a more unpredictable world.

We concluded with a session with our partners Finland and Sweden, and the European Union High Representative Borrell.

It was an opportunity to share views on the common challenges we face.
To discuss transatlantic relations at this important juncture.
And the need for Europe and North America to work closely together.

With that, I am ready for your questions.

OANA LUNGESCU [NATO Spokesperson]: Thank you. And we can start with Gul Sonomut from NTV.

GUL SONOMUT [NTV Turkey]: Yes, thank you very much. I have two questions. My first question is with regard NATO2030, as well as the Strategic Concept. When will you . . . when will you put into force the 2030 action plan, particularly based in mind with the Wise Man report and the shortfalls of the Strategic Concept today, what are the topics that are really urgent for the Strategic Concept to be updated, what are the shortfalls for that and, of course, the timeline? And on the other hand, although the discussion will be tomorrow, Iraq, I was wondering whether you had the comment with regard the attack on the Erbil airport where a United States officer has been killed, as well as the Gara operation, where 13 Turkish civilians have been killed. Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: First on NATO2030 and the Strategic Concept. I propose for heads of state and government, when they meet later on this year, that they should agree to update the NATO Strategic Concept. I do so because I think the time is right. We have a Strategic Concept we agreed back in 2010 and that Concept has actually served us well.

But, since then, the security environment we face has fundamentally changed. For instance, in the current Strategic Concept, we are not addressing the shifting balance of power and the security consequences of the rise of China. We hardly mention climate change. I think climate change is a serious crisis multiplier and it really affects our security, we need to address that in a new strategic concept.

And, also, back in 2010, we were working for, establishing, what we then referred to as a strategic partnership with Russia. Since then, we have seen Russia being responsible for aggressive actions against neighbours, the illegal annexation of Crimea and things have fundamentally changed.

So we need to update our Strategic Concept. We need to recommit to our core values. And we need to use the Strategic Concept to further strengthen the bond between North America and Europe.

So, this is an idea which is broadly supported by NATO Allies. And I hope that NATO leaders, heads of state and government, when they meet later on this year, will then agree to start the process, to task to me . . . to work on a revised and updated Strategic Concept for the Alliance.

Then, regarding the attacks in Iraq. I condemn the rocket attack in Erbil and the tragic loss of life. I want to express my condolences to those who have lost their loved ones and my best wishes for a full and speedy recovery go to the injured.

The Iraqi people should not have to live in fear of violence. And I welcome that a number of Allies will support the investigation into this attack.

I would also like to express my condolences to Turkey for the killing of Turkish citizens in northern Iraq. And I condemn in the strongest possible terms those responsible.

 And Allies expressed their condolences during today’s meeting of defence ministers. Allies stand in solidarity with the people of Turkey.

OANA LUNGESCU: For the next question we’ll go to Brooks Tigner from Jane’s Defence.

BROOKS TIGNER [Jane’s Defence]: Hi. Hi, Secretary General. I have two unrelated questions. One: regarding your call on Monday for common funding for deterrence and defence. Did the Allies discuss this idea today to help cover deterrence, deployments or other costs? And if . . . if that was accepted, would it undermine NATO’s ‘costs lie where they fall’ principle? Second question, different topic. Your call for a new transatlantic effort to develop new, disruptive technologies. That’s a very good idea. However, many secretary generals before you have proposed similar things: Smart Defence, Connected Forces Initiative, pooling and sharing. These have not led to very much. And they’ve also tried to reach out to innovative and small companies for the last five to 10 years. Again, not much. What would you propose to produce more results in that sense? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: So, first item on the NATO2030 and my proposals on funding, I think we first have to realise that I have put forward many proposals covering a wide range of different areas from deterrence and defence, resilience, innovation. But, also the security implications of climate change, and the rise of China and other proposals, which I think is important when we now prepare for the upcoming summit, and when we also now have a unique opportunity to strengthen and to make sure that the transatlantic bond remains the bedrock for our security.

We have the upcoming summit, we have the NATO2030, we have a new US administration, and all of that together really provides a unique opportunity, after some difficult years for all of us on both sides of the Atlantic, to have a substantive forward-looking agenda.

NATO2030, as we prepare for the upcoming summit. One of the proposals is to strengthen deterrence and defence, by making sure that we incentivise Allies to provide more capabilities for deterrence and defence activities at, or in, NATO territory. Because today, when we have, for instance, deterrence and defence activities – like the battlegroups in the Baltic region or the Enhanced or the Forward Presence in the Black Sea region, air policing, maritime operations, standing naval forces – all these capabilities are provided by Allies and those Allies that provide those capabilities also cover all the cost. My proposal is that NATO should cover some of those costs, because that will demonstrate stronger commitment to our collective defence, to Article 5, to deterrence and defence. It will incentivise Allies to provide more capabilities, for air policing, battlegroups, standing naval forces, and it will mean fairer burden-sharing. So, I think this is a better way to spend money and it’s a way to invest together.

Let me also highlight one other point. We have already agreed to spend more and Allies already do that, all Allies have increased defence spending and more and more Allies meet the 2 percent guideline. This is something else. This is about how we spend the money. That we should spend more of our total funding for defence together, because it will strengthen deterrence and defence. It will provide more capabilities for battlegroups, air policing, and also lead to a fairer sharing of the burden.

Yeah, then, oh sorry, technology, I forgot that one. Technology. New, disruptive technologies as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, autonomous systems, facial recognition, all of that will reshape the nature of warfare fundamentally. We need to make sure that we keep the technological edge which has served NATO so well for so many years. And we should do that in different ways, but let me just point out three. One: we need to invest. And the good news is that since 2014 – and that is new – Allies have stopped cutting defence budgets and have started to increase; and not only increase defence spending, but 20 percent of that is allocated into investments in new capabilities, meaning also new technology. So when we invest in new planes or new drones or new whatever, we also invest in new technology, making it possible to maintain the technological edge.

The second thing we should do is to make sure that when Allies develop new capabilities with advanced, new, disruptive technologies, we need to make sure that these capabilities, coming from different Allied countries, can operate together. Interoperability – NATO standards – has always been important, but if anything, it’s even more important now with even more advanced technologies embedded in our military capabilities.

And thirdly, NATO is a platform for Allies to address some very serious and difficult ethical questions, which are raised by the use of these technologies in military capabilities. There is no easy answer to that but to try to start a process where we address how we can develop some minimum ethical guidelines on the use of these technologies in weapons systems, NATO provides the perfect platform for doing that. And that’s part of my NATO2030 proposal and my NATO2030 agenda.

OANA LUNGESCU: We’ll now go to Jane Ferguson from PBS NewsHour. Go ahead, Jane.

JANE FERGUSON [PBS NewsHour]: Thank you so much. Just briefly, what is the intention with regards to the May 1st deadline for withdrawal from the United States? What does NATO intend to do, whether or not you intend to honour that deal? And, moving on from that, what role do you envision NATO playing moving forward in Afghanistan?

JENS STOLTENBERG: You’re right that in the deal that was signed last year, I was actually in Kabul when the deal was signed in Doha, and in that deal there is a May 1st deadline. But the promise to leave Afghanistan is conditions-based. Our presence in Afghanistan is conditions-based. And Taliban has to meet their commitments. And what NATO does now is that we, first of all, do whatever we can to support the peace process and the full implementation of the deal. We will only leave when the time is right. And the focus now is how can we support the peace efforts, the peace talks, and reenergise, relaunch a new strength, a new momentum in the peace talks, because that’s the only path to peace.

As you know, we went into Afghanistan together, NATO Allies, partners and the United States, after 9/11. We have made decisions on adjusting our presence together. And we will also make the decision, when the time is right, to leave together. So what we can do now is to coordinate, consult. We are going to have a discussion tomorrow, I’ll not pre-empt the outcome of that discussion. But Allies are coordinating closely, all Allies, including, of course, the United States. And then we will make a decision together.

I think the main issue is that Taliban has to reduce violence, Taliban has to negotiate in good faith, and Taliban has to break all ties, has to stop supporting international terrorist groups like al Qaeda.

OANA LUNGESCU: We’ll now take a question from Kevin Barron from Defense One.

KEVIN BARRON [Defense One]: Hello, Secretary General. Well, similar question, is on . . . my question is on the timing of the decisions. Can NATO make a decision on its Afghanistan presence before the United States makes its decision, given the administration, the Biden administration says they’re undergoing an Afghanistan study review, that’s not going to be ready by tomorrow?

JENS STOLTENBERG: We will make a decision together. And that was clearly also stated by Allies, so it has been stated by many Allies already.  And it has already been clearly stated by Secretary Austin. And I welcome the strong commitment and clear message from the United States that they will coordinate closely with NATO Allies and partners. We are 30 NATO Allies, but there are also partners like Finland, Sweden and others who are part of our NATO mission in Afghanistan.

NATO Allies welcome that message from the United States, not least because there is a significant non-US presence in Afghanistan. There are roughly 10,000 NATO troops in Afghanistan now, and the majority of them are not from the United States. And I think that demonstrates the value of NATO also for the United States, because the United States, when they went into Afghanistan, they didn’t go alone. They have been supported by NATO Allies with tens of thousands of troops for now close to two decades. So, of course, the United States is the biggest force contributor to our mission in Afghanistan, but not the only one. Many Allies, many partners.

And, therefore, this is a decision we only can make together. We are assessing together. We are analysing together. We are supporting the peace process together. We are calling on Taliban to reduce violence, to negotiate in good faith and to stop supporting international terrorists like al Qaeda. And then we will make the necessary decisions together. But I think the main focus now should be on reenergising the peace talks, because that’s the only way to a peaceful solution.

OANA LUNGESCU: We have now a question from PJ McLeary, from Breaking Defense.

PJ MCLEARY [Breaking Defense]: Hi. Thank you. I was wondering if you could speak a little bit about the discussions you’ve had so far about Turkey and the purchase of the S-400 from Russia and if there’ll be any consequences for Turkey other than being removed from the F-35 programme?

JENS STOLTENBERG: The issue of the S-400 was not discussed in this meeting today. It has been discussed among NATO Allies before. I have also expressed my concerns about the consequence of the Turkish decision to acquire the Russian S-400 air and missile defence system. And I have also pointed out the possibility and the opportunity that lies in working with NATO Allies, providing alternative systems like, for instance, the Patriot system or the European SAMP/T, which is produced by Italy and France.

So, this is an issue I have discussed several times and NATO Allies have discussed several times. And, yes, there are disagreements, differences, but at the same time, I think NATO provides a platform also to discuss difficult issues where we disagree, as the issue of S-400.

OANA LUNGESCU: For the next question we’ll go to go to Al Arabiya and Noureddine Fridhi.

NOUREDDINE FRIDHI [Al Arabiya]: Good afternoon, Secretary General. I have a very short question. After the . . . the Erbil attack, one or two days before, this kind of operation has any impact on the NATO training mission, which you are about to expand, sir? Thank you very much.

JENS STOLTENBERG: If anything, it makes the NATO Training Mission even more important, because we will tomorrow address and discuss expanding the NATO Training Mission in Iraq.

NATO Allies provide support and training for Iraqi security forces in different frameworks already. NATO is part of the US-led Coalition to Defeat Daesh, and NATO also has its own Training Mission in Iraq. And the plan is – and I expect ministers tomorrow to agree – to expand the Training Mission so we can provide more training, more capacity-building across the country.
I spoke with the Iraqi Prime Minister yesterday, Prime Minister Kadhimi, and he expressed once again the strong support and wish from the Iraqi government to have an expanded, increased NATO presence there. We do this to support the Iraqi people, but we do it also because it is in our interest to fight terrorism. And we strongly believe that in the long run, the best weapon we have against terrorism is to train local forces and build local capacity. And we have seen the courage, the commitment of the Iraqi forces defeating Daesh, or liberating the country, the territory, that Daesh controlled. And that courage, that commitment has been important for the people of Iraq in fighting Daesh, but it is also important for NATO Allies because Daesh is a threat not only to the people of Iraq, or the people of Syria, but also to people in our Allied countries.

So, if anything, violence, instability in Iraq is the reason why we are there: to help the Iraqi government, the Iraqi security forces, to stabilise their own country.

OANA LUNGESCU: We’ll now take the next question from Nicolas Gros-Verheyde from Bruxelles 2. Please go ahead.

NICOLAS GROS-VERHEYDE [Bruxelles 2]: Bonjour, Secretary General. I have one question of the burden-sharing on the … [inaudible] of defence. I have seen that now you are referring for the . . . the year ’14, and some months ago, I remember you have more reference of the year ’16. Is it because Donald Trump was leaving and now the . . . the government in the United States … [inaudible] you have remembered this engagement, it is with Obama on the summit Pays de Galles? And, also, I want to have some comment of . . . of, maybe you, if you fear that the Covid-19 coronavirus crisis could destroy some effort of different states? And just one question, if I may, on the Turkey. How do your feelings, ambiance with the … [inaudible] with Turkey now in the … [inaudible] because some . . . sometimes it is not so good in the past? Thank you very much.

JENS STOLTENBERG: First, on burden-sharing. We agreed in 2014 what we called the defence investment pledge, where all Allies agreed that after years of reducing defence spending, we should start to increase defence spending. And the good news is that every year since 2014, all Allies have started . . . have increased defence spending and all Allies are now spending more. And more Allies meet the 2 percent target. And the majority of NATO Allies have plans in place to be at 2 percent or above by 2024, which was the date we set.

So it is . . . and it’s also correct that sometimes I refer to the increase since 2016, because this was an important issue also for the previous President. But I know that burden-sharing, increased defence investments, is also important for President Biden because President Biden was actually Vice President when President Obama and Vice President Biden, they were at the summit in Wales in 2014 and pushed very hard for that decision.

So different US administrations, Republicans and Democrats, have all conveyed the same message: that we need fairer burden-sharing in this Alliance. I tell the Europeans that – and they agree – that we need to invest more in defence, not to please the United States, but because it is in our security interest to invest more. Because we face a more dangerous world, with a more brutal form of terrorism, Daesh/ISIL. We have seen that in Iraq, Syria and other places; with a more assertive Russia; the consequence of the rise of China; cyber, hybrid threats – all of that together led to the decision in 2014 to increase defence spending. And the total added spending across Europe and Canada is 190 billion US Dollars extra, and that is significant and that’s something that really makes a difference.

We still need to do more. We need to maintain the momentum. But, I think it is good to see that Allies are making good on their pledge, on the commitment that they made back in 2014.

On Covid, NATO’s main task is to make sure that the health crisis, the pandemic, doesn’t become a security crisis. And, therefore, we have been focussed on the importance of upholding our missions, deterrence and defence, and we have been able to do that.

There’s some adjustments in some of the exercises. But, the main message is that the battlegroups, the readiness of our forces, air policing, all the other stuff we do every day, has been maintained, so we are able to prevent the health crisis from becoming a security crisis.

What we also have seen is that NATO and the military across the Alliance have provided valuable support to the civilian efforts to cope with the pandemic. We have seen how military, supported also by NATO, have helped to transport critical equipment, medical personnel, setting up field hospitals and now assisting also with vaccination in many countries. And NATO has provided support to different Allied countries. So, the military has provided support to the civilian efforts in coping with the pandemic.

Thirdly, you asked about Turkey. Turkey is an important Ally. You can just look at the map and you see Turkey is the Ally, bordering Iraq and Syria, infrastructure, airports, bases in Turkey, has been very important in our campaign against Daesh/ISIS, liberating the territory Daesh/ISIS controlled not so long ago.

Turkey is also the NATO Ally that has suffered the most . . . the highest number of terrorist attacks. And Turkey hosts millions of refugees. So, Turkey is an important Ally. At the same time, there is no reason to hide that there also are differences and disagreements. And then I think NATO is a platform for Allies to raise those differences and disagreements.

I also expressed my concerns, for instance, on the consequences of the procurement of the S-400.

We have seen disagreements, differences, related to the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean [should read: Agean].

But, again, I think that NATO’s role is to try to find positive approaches. We have been able to establish what we call a deconfliction mechanism, bringing the military experts from Turkey and Greece together here at NATO and agreed mechanisms to reduce the risk, for incidents and accidents between Turkish and Greek military planes’ or ships’ capabilities in the Eastern Mediterranean [should read: Agean].  And this will also help to pave the way for negotiations or exploratory talks between Turkey and Greece on the underlying issues.

And, let me also add that NATO has helped to implement the agreement between Turkey and EU on the migrants, on the refugee and migration crisis in the Eastern Med [should read: Agean]. We have a deployment of NATO ships there, which brings together Turkey and Greece, Frontex, in dealing with a very difficult situation there.

So, yes, there are problems, but NATO provides a platform to look for positive approaches and ways to address some of those problems.

OANA LUNGESCU: We now have time for one last question, and that will go to Radu Tudor from Antena 3, Romania.

RADU TUDOR [Antena 3]: Thank you, Oana Lungescu. Secretary General, you have mentioned two days ago that today will discuss some decisions to reinforce measures on the Eastern Flank. General Ben Hodges from CEPA said in a study that the US administration needs to have a strategy on the Black Sea and that NATO must reinforce its measures on the Eastern Flank to the Black Sea. I kindly remind you that in the last 15 years, all the military aggressions from Russia were in the Black Sea: to Georgia, to Ukraine, to Crimea. And please, could you detail a bit what kind of measures NATO has in mind to enforce the Black Sea Area and the Eastern Flank? Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: So, over the last years, we have significantly increased our military presence in the eastern part of the Alliance with the Tailored Forward Presence, as we call it, in Romania, with the training brigade in Craiova, and then with the battlegroups in the Baltic region – the Baltic countries. And in Poland, more air policing and also more naval presence, with different NATO Allied ships under the Standing NATO Maritime Forces. Just over the last months, we have seen, I think it’s three, actually, US naval ships in the Black Sea. And we have seen other Allied countries also operating in the Black Sea.

Then we have three littoral states: Turkey, Romania and Bulgaria; and we have two very close partners: Ukraine and Georgia.

Allies are investing more. We also now have the new Alliance Ground Surveillance, the drones that can also operate along our borders, especially in the east and in the south. That also improves our situational awareness, our ability to do reconnaissance and intelligence along our borders.

One of the reasons why I have put forward a proposal that we should have more NATO funding for deterrence and defence, is that I believe that by paying more of that together we will incentivise more Allies to provide the capabilities, also to the presence, or especially to the presence, in the eastern part of the Alliance, including in the Black Sea and the Baltic region.

OANA LUNGESCU: Thank you very much. This concludes this press conference. We’ll see you again tomorrow evening. Thank you.

JENS STOLTENBERG: Thank you so much.

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Zdroje a ilustračné foto: https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_181560.htm?selectedLocale=en, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_181561.htm?selectedLocale=en, https://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pictures/images_mfu/2021/2/18b-mod-pc-sg/210218b-005.jpg